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European Analysts Weigh Risks of Democratic US Midterm Victory

Polls favor Democrats by eight points, but experts warn a win could breed complacency about far-right trends and accelerate US pressure on Ukraine.

By Alexei Brooks ·

Illustration for: European Analysts Weigh Risks of Democratic US Midterm Victory
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Democratic candidates hold an average eight-point lead in polling for both the House of Representatives and the Senate in the upcoming United States midterm elections. This potential shift in Washington has prompted analysts in Europe to evaluate how a Democratic win might influence political dynamics on the continent. While a victory would likely improve transatlantic relations, experts identify two specific risks that could emerge from the outcome.

The first concern involves a sense of security among European voters. Catherine Fieschi, a nonresident scholar at Carnegie Europe, argues that a Democratic hold on Congress, particularly the House, would be interpreted as evidence that democracies can recover. She stated that such a result would reinforce the belief that political shifts do not signal the arrival of a fascist regime. Fieschi, speaking from Paris, predicted a debate over whether a victory for Marine Le Pen should be viewed with extreme alarm or simply as a temporary fluctuation that voters can later correct.

Le Pen currently leads opinion polls for the French presidential election set for April 18. Surveys place her support at approximately 34 percent. Fieschi noted that there is historical precedent for the type of complacency she describes. A June 2025 poll by the European Council on Foreign Relations, conducted after President Donald Trump had been in office for six months, showed that clear majorities in Western Europe believed the US political system was broken. In contrast, majorities in Eastern Europe reported that it functioned well, although that sample skewed toward right-wing voters.

Thanos Plevris, the Greek migration minister, cautioned against attributing European policy changes solely to American influence. He observed that European attitudes toward asylum and economic migration became stricter independently, citing Germany's shift from a welcoming approach to more controlled policies. However, Plevris acknowledged that the United States altered the regional tone by emphasizing deterrence, border protection, and increased returns. He believes this American pivot played a role in shaping European migration strategies.

The second major risk centers on the war in Ukraine. Fieschi warned that a Le Pen presidency would introduce three controversial measures: reducing French contributions to the EU budget to fund earlier retirements, cutting military aid to Ukraine, and potentially exiting the euro for a devalued franc. According to the Kiel Institute's Ukraine Support Tracker, a reduction in French aid would eliminate 3.5 percent of Ukraine's foreign military assistance. This gap would require other allies to provide additional support.

Fieschi also suggested that a weakened White House might allow President Trump to finalize agreements with Russian President Vladimir Putin quickly. This refers to ongoing US-Russian efforts to push Ukraine into a peace deal that cedes the eastern Donbas region. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has described this arrangement as a strategic error that would likely lead to renewed conflict. Most Ukrainians oppose the deal. Trump has previously used US early warning systems for ballistic missiles and Starlink satellite navigation as leverage against Kyiv. He has also twice supported Russian calls to replace Zelenskyy.

Victoria Vdovychenko, a Ukraine expert at Cambridge University's Centre for Geopolitics, stated that Russia could intensify its all-domain war against Europe. She noted that cognitive warfare on the European continent has not stopped and that Russia is currently exploiting existing vulnerabilities to their fullest extent.

Public opinion in Europe has already shifted significantly. A Bertelsmann Stiftung poll found that only 31 percent of Europeans view the United States as their most trustworthy ally, a drop from 51 percent in 2024. Meanwhile, 73 percent believe Europe should pursue its own path, up from 63 percent. A June poll by the Pew Research Center across 36 countries found that 76 percent of respondents expressed no confidence in Trump. These sentiments, developed over two presidential terms, are unlikely to be reversed by a single congressional election while the war in Europe continues.

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